CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF
THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN
ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS.
CHAPTER 1.
THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS
AND HYRCANUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM; AND HOW THEY MADE AN AGREEMENT THAT ARISTOBULUS
SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS LIVE A PRIVATE LIFE; AS ALSO HOW HYRCANUS
A LITTLE AFTERWARD WAS PERSUADED BY ANTIPATER TO FLY TO ARETAS.
1. WE have related the affairs
of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing book and will now
speak of what followed, and was connected with those histories; declaring,
before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that
we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness; (1) for we
are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest part
are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times; and
we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived
from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech
also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain
the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure.
But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest,
is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those
that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to
believe what these writers inform them of.
2. Hyrcanus
then began his high priesthood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh
olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called
Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began
to make war against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho,
many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother; upon
which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus's wife and children
were imprisoned by their mother, as we have said already, and attacked
and overcame those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay within
the walls of the temple. So when he had sent a message to his brother
about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him
on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live
without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate
he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple,
and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one an. other
their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the whole
multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus,
as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.
3. But there was a certain
friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and
in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus,
and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus.
It is true that Nicolates of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the
stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that
assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain
revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history
we shall give you in its proper place hereafter. However, this Antipater
was at first called Antipas, (2) and that was his father's name also;
of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general
of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship with those Arabians,
and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by
many and large presents, made them his fast friends. But now this younger
Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of
some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred
up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately;
and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who
had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of
it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative
of his birth. And the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and
told him that his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself,
and got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus
omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him, as being then, and
not before, sure to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit to
these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one that did
not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not
disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned
him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while. Aristo-bulus
was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous
soul.
4. Since therefore Antipater
saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day
by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him
before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually,
he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia;
and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself
assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it
was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that
borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king
of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should
come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up
to his enemies. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned
to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole
out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought
him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; and as he
was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back
Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without
any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account.
At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised
him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom,
he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father
Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo,
Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa,
and Oruba.
CHAPTER 2.
HOW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE
AN EXPEDITION AGAINST ARISTOBULUS AND BESIEGED JERUSALEM; AND HOW SCAURUS
THE ROMAN GENERAL RAISED THE SIEGE. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ONIAS.
1. AFTER these promises had
been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aristobulus with an
army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And
when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus
was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the king of Arabia
took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aristobulus
therein, the people still supporting Hyreanus, and assisting him in the
siege, while none but the priests continued with Aristobulus. So Aretas
united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed
on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of
unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal
men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. Now there was
one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man be was, and beloved of God,
who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense
heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man
had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great
while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that
as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in
like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction.
And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still
by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them,
and said, "O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand
now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests,
I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those
against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those." Whereupon
such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer,
stoned him to death.
2. But God punished them immediately
for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of
Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were
besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at
which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; but
those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their
countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured
them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and
when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle,
Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly,
and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them.
But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices,
but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they
had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing
those that wanted them with sacrifices. And when the priests found they
had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated,
they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor
did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm
of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius
of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.
3. In the mean time Pompey
sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war
with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins
and Metellus had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea.
And when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from Aristobulus
and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them. And when both of
them promised to give him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and
Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's promise, for he was rich,
and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate;
whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible promises
in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take
a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to eject out
of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of Mabateans, who
were no very warlike people. He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus,
for the reasons before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege,
and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to
the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with
a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a
place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle, and slew about six
thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the brother of Antipater.
CHAPTER 3.
HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS
CAME TO POMPEY IN ORDER TO ARGUE WHO OUGHT TO HAVE THE KINGDOM; AND HOW
UPON THE PLIGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO THE FORTRESS ALEXANDRIUM POMPEY LED
HIS ARMY AGAINST HIM AND ORDERED HIM TO DELIVER UP THE FORTRESSES WHEREOF
HE WAS POSSESSED.
1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey
came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came
ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for
Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine (3)
of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions
this present in these words: "There came also an embassage out of Egypt,
and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea
there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call
the thing Terpole, the Delight. However, we ourselves saw that present
reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription,
'The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred
talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews,
sent it."
2. In a little time afterward
came ambassadors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus
from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first
Gabinius, and then Scaurus, — the one three hundred talents, and the other
four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides
those he had before. And when Pompey had ordered those that had controversies
one with another to come to him in the beginning of the spring, he brought
his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of
Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia,
which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance of the country
of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius of Tripoli,
who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet did
he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which
money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He also conquered the place
called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed
over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which
is on the limit of Colesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there
it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus
and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the
nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly' government,
because the form of government they received from their forefathers was
that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and
[they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests,
yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another
form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained, that although he
were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth
by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under
him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He also
accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors'
countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and
that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a
man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand
Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which
confirmation was procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against
him, that it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that
account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government;
and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear
lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to his title [of
king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before him]. He
also called for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young
and insolent; whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments,
were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though
they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were
marching in a pompous procession.
3. When Pompey had heard the
causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure,
he then spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that
when he came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs,
after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the
mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly,
lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return; which yet
Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further determination, which
Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched
into Judea.
4. At this behavior Pompey
was angry; and taking with him that army which he was leading against
the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other
parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he
made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella and
Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first entrance into Judea
when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most beautiful
fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither
Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that
he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he
would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed
with his brother about the right to the government, he went up again to
the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two or three
times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted
him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he
commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that
he might not depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared for
a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer
the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver
up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their governors
under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden to deliver
them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but still
he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation for war.
A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed
Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus,
that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces.
CHAPTER 4.
HOW POMPEY WHEN THE CITIZENS
OF JERUSALEM SHUT THEIR GATES AGAINST HIM BESIEGED THE CITY AND TOOK IT
BY FORCE; AS ALSO WHAT OTHER THINGS HE DID IN JUDEA.
1. NOW when Pompey had pitched
his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree grows, and that balsam which
is an ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made
in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out thence like a juice,) (4)
he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented
of what he was doing, and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money,
and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the
war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave
him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and
the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised,
because Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed.
At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came
himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north,
which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch
that encompassed the city (5) and included within it the temple, which
was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall.
2. Now there was a sedition
of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be
done in their present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver
up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the
gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others,
and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from
it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; but the others
admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both the city and the king's
palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed
garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified
the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant
and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of accommodation
to those within; but when they would not comply with what was desired,
he encompassed all the places thereabout with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus
did gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within
[the wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable;
but even on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug,
and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the
city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was
broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal
of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places round
about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled
up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his
mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the
bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against
it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers,
to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected,
by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law
gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight
with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies
while they do any thing else.
3. Which thing when the Romans
understood, on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at
the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their
earthen banks, and brought their engines into such forwardness, that they
might do execution the next day. And any one may hence learn how very
great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his laws, since
the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministrations by
their fear during this siege, but did still twice a-day, in the morning
and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the altar; nor did
they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the
stones that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on
the third month, on the day of the fast, (6) upon the hundred and seventy-ninth
olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls,
and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were
in the temple; yet could not those that offered the sacrifices be compelled
to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives, nor
by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer
whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing
that their laws required of them. And that this is not a mere brag, or
an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the
real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey;
and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these
two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness
to this thing. (7)
4. But when the battering-engine
was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell
down, and broke down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured
in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers,
first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion,
with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also
a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men after
him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being slain by
the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who threw themselves
down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and burnt them, as not
able to bear the miseries they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve
thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle
and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities
were committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been
inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went into it, and not a few
of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful
for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in
that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels,
and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the
treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing
of all this, (8) on account of his regard to religion; and in this point
also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next day
he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it,
and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the
high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in
other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving
Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those
that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on
Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; and
he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities
of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them
under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation,
which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. Moreover,
he rebuilt Gadara, (9) which had been demolished a little before, to gratify
Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the
cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as
also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:
these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished,
and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's
Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with
havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey
left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.
5. Now the occasions of this
misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising
a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became
subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had
gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it
to the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time,
above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity
formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their
family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall
treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as
the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and
then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound
along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters,
and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonus,
was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.
CHAPTER 5.
HOW SCAURUS MADE A LEAGUE OF
MUTUAL ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS; AND WHAT GABINIUS DID IN JUDEA, AFTER HE
HAD CONQUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS.
1. SCAURUS made now an expedition
against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about
it, because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was
pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and
with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus. And
when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he had
lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give Scaurus a sum of
money, to prevent the burning of his country, and undertook to be his
surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased
to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus's desire, as
at the desire of Aretas.
2. Some time after this, when
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius
came from Rome into Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many
considerable actions; and particularly made war with Alexander, since
Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting
to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, although
the Romans which were there restrained him from that his design. However,
Alexander went over all the country round about, and armed many of the
Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen
hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Corem,
and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came upon
him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These
armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such Jews
as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus; and
they took with them also their friends that were with Antipater, and met
Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion. Hereupon Alexander
retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another,
and it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of their enemies
about three thousand, and took a like number alive.
3. At which time Gabinius (10)
came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up
on certain conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should
be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp
before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought
bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest
honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place,
and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild
all the cities that he met with that had been demolished; at which time
were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora;
Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted
according to Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these
cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.
4. When Gabinius had done thus
in the country, he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege
of the place, Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would
pardon his former offenses; he also delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania
and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself which fortresses Gabinius
demolished. But when Alexander’s mother, who was of the side of the Romans,
as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted
her whatsoever she asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he
brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to
him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation
into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people;
the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus,
the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews
were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.
CHAPTER 6.
HOW GABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOBULUS
AFTER HE HAD FLED FROM ROME, AND SENT HIM BACK TO ROME AGAIN; AND NOW
THE SAME GABINIUS AS HE RETURNED OUT OF EGYPT OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND THE
NABATEANS IN BATTLE.
1. NOW Aristobulus ran away
from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium, which
had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him,
add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order
to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him
again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on account of his
former glory, as also because they should be glad of an innovation. Now
there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him
with a thousand men, although a great number of those that came to him
were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he
dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for they could not
be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with
him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the Romans
fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten in
the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were overborne
by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thousand,
and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save
themselves. However, Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand,
and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though
he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when
he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had received
many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus,
who also fled with him from Rome. And this was the fortune of Aristobulus,
who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having
been both king and high priest for three years and six months; and was
indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate
let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had promised
their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and
accordingly they then returned into Judea.
2. Now when Gabinius was making
an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates,
he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore
Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11) This hath also been related elsewhere. However,
Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn,
and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium
his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes
that led into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria
in disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
having seized on the government a second time by force, made many of the
Jews revolt to him; and so he marched over the country with a great army,
and slew all the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege
the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.
3. But when Gabinius found
Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those
that were seditious, to try whether he could cure them of their madness,
and persuade them to return to a better mind; and when he came to them,
he brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what they
ought to do; but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army of
thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining battle with him, was
beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.
4. So Gabinius settled the
affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's
inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle.
He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were
Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went abroad that
they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had performed great and
glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of war, he returned
to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus,
and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of Pompey and
Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say anything new which
is not in the other.
CHAPTER 7.
HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA,
AND PILLAGED THE TEMPLE; AND THEN MARCHED AGAINST THE PARTHIANS AND PERISHED,
WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW CASSIUS OBTAINED SYRIA, AND PUT A STOP TO THE
PARTHIANS AND THEN WENT UP TO JUDEA.
1. Now Crassus, as he was going
upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried
off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two
thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging
to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam, which was
made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each
of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian
of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this
beam, not out of a wicked design, for he was a good and a righteous man;
but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple,
which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung
down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money,
and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this
beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this not till he had given
his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied
with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand
[shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow,
but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; yet did Crassus
take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that
belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all
the gold that was in the temple.
2. And let no one wonder that
there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout
the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of
Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient
times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor
is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to
so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly
Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: "Mithridates sent to Cos, and took
the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred
talents belonging to the Jews." Now we have no public money but only what
appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this
money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of
Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos;
nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should
do so neither, since they were ill no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo
himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the
same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against
Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation,
of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks
thus: "There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens,
that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now
these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find
a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men,
and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt and
Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations,
imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in
a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make
use of the same laws with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have
places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly
allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city.
There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes
justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to
them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. In Egypt,
therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians,
and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is
near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land adjoined
to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was formerly
under the same government." And this is what Strabo says.
3. So when Crassus had settled
all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both
he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere.
But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and
was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over
Crassus made incursions upon it. And as he came back to Tyre, he went
up into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently took it, and
carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded
Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of
Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time
in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married
a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name
was Cypros, (12) by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was
afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named
Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness
with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom
he committed his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius
removed his camp, and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming
to attack him, as hath been related by others.
4. But some
time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the
senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds,
and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to him,
that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country.
But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that
was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party prevented it, and
destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party buried him. His dead
body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward
sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher.
But Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses he had
been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus
did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler
of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent his
son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send
back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which,
whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her,
though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and
continued to take care of her brethren.
CHAPTER 8.
THE JEWS BECOME CONFEDERATES
WITH CESAR WHEN HE FOUGHT AGAINST EGYPT. THE GLORIOUS ACTIONS OF ANTIPATER,
AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH CAESAR. THE HONORS WHICH THE JEWS RECEIVED FROM
THE ROMANS AND ATHENIANS.
1. NOW after Pompey was dead,
and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed
the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against
Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Pergainus
was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through
Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting
three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal
men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on his account
it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear
behindhand in their alacrity for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and
Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus,
and almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came
to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged
the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who
plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby
they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken. But it
happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion,
would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to
Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because
he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them
the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to
cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and
all sorts of provisions which they wanted; and accordingly, when they
saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as
they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews
were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them;
so he came and received them also into his army.
2. And when Mithridates had
gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle
with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates
had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight,
that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely,
unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the
shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered
Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to
flight. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them.
He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a
great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater's
fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly
declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own
preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made
use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings;
he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements
3. However, when Caesar, after
some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored
Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and
bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom
from taxes every where; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went
along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt.
And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in
the name of Aslnius: "After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him
Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says thus
again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates
at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish
affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three
thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors
of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest
was also present in this expedition." This is what Strabo says.
4. But Antigonus, the son of
Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father's fate;
and complained, that it was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was
taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired
that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality
which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing
the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself. Antipater was
present, and made his defense as to the accusations that were laid against
him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation,
and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult
services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed
about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that Aristobulus was
justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and
could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had
no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies;
and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence
or injustice by him that did it.
5. When Antipater had made
this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to be high priest, and gave Antipater
what principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination
to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus
leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor
of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent
to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the
senate was this that follows: (13) "Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius
the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in
the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree
Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius
of the Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son
of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of
Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who
came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which
was in being before. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of
confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that
letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the
kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that
no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore pleased [the
senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to
bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the
shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus
the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus." Hyreanus also received
honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many
occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it
here follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son
of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus,
this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders, when Agathocles
was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe.
In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council
of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest,
and the fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people.
Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the
son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues
to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens
in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any
of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion
of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they
are conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies;
it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus,
and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and
that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honor
him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to
erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and
that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater,
in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the
Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the commanders
shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his
good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for
his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how
our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward;
and he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors
we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the
Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept
of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good
to our city." And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors
that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER 9.
HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THE
CARE OF GALILEE TO HEROD, AND THAT OF JERUSALEM TO PHASAELUS; AS ALSO
HOW HEROD UPON THE JEWS' ENVY AT ANTIPATER WAS ACCUSED BEFORE HYRCANUS.
1. NOW when Caesar had settled
the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted
Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised
up the wall which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither,
he pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both
threatening and advising them to be quiet; for that if they would be of
Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead their lives without
disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they
were addicted to the hopes of what might come by innovation, and aimed
to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of
a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans,
together with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that
they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern.
And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs
of this country.
2. And seeing that Hyrcanus
was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son,
governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed
Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he
was but fifteen years of age (14) But that youth of his was no impediment
to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an
opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one
Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring
parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him,
as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; for
which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were
very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he
purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages
and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of
their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to
Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president
of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved with emulation at
his actions, and envied the fame be had thereby gotten, and became ambitious
not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants
of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself,
but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority
therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect
as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were
an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as
frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity
which he owed to Hyrcanus.
3. But now the principal men
among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in
the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they
received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became ill-disposed
to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman
emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money,
he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it
as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus heard
of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was
very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear,
because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous
of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater
openly, and said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions
as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have
already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a
king which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden
from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of
thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards
of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they
are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah,
and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which
hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless
he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15) yet
hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority
from thee."
4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this,
he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by
Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the
temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a
trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. Hyrcanus was so moved
by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what
was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded
him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security
of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in
the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his
trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his
journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might
look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose
him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar, president
of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss
him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which
epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering
any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. But when
Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he aftrighted
them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any
charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what
was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, (16)
a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and
said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king,
I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any
one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial
by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever
he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a
submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors
to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and
mourning garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder,
and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple,
and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about
him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing
justice may himself escape death. Yet do not I make this complaint against
Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the
laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave
him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and
that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the
sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also."
Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod
had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and
Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for
him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward
besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into
it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape
his hands: — which things will be related by us in their proper places.
5. But when Hyrcanus saw that
the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death
upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to
Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means
he might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the
king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs
in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again
summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that
summons. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at
this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all
these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant
of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to
do nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army
of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear
lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared
long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with
him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he bad been summoned
to undergo before the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater, and his brother
[Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They
also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action,
but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further
against one who had given him the dignity he had: they also desired him
not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his
trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation,
and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was
not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for
his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God
that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue
of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when
he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed
many benefits upon him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him;
for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not
from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing
really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed
that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his
strength before the nation, and done no more to it — and in this state
were the affairs of Judea at this time.
CHAPTER 10.
THE HONORS THAT WERE PAID THE
JEWS; AND THE LEAGUES THAT WERE MADE BY THE ROMANS AND OTHER NATIONS,
WITH THEM.
1. NOW when Caesar was come
to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and
Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that
he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was
between them, And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account
of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation,
and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all
the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe
have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage
and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath been written
about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not
every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us
ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction
to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in
the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol,
and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made
a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that
they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate
what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate
and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator
and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate,
and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well.
I also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered
on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high
priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public
records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both
in Greek and in Latin. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the
second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation
of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated
his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in
former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne
witness, and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17)
with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates,
showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; — for these
reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children,
be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for
ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his
sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned
among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain
whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever
favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there
arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine
the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find
us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them."
3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar,
consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows:
That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews,
and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as
himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are
injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,
the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league
of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing
the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre,
and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that
this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of
the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors
may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where."
4. "Caius Caesar, imperator,
dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue,
and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the
people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children,
be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by
the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors
have held the priesthood."
5. "Caius Caesar, consul the
fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may
encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,
the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself
pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute,
every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of
that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that
they pay always the same tribute."
6. “Caius Caesar, imperator
the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting
Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh,
which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive
the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that they pay
their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period],
the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the
same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers.
And that no one, neither president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise
auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of
them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be
free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they shall hereafter
have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them
all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally,
when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to
them, as it. formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and
his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land
for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty
thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year,
which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough,
nor receive the product of their trees. It is also the pleasure of the
senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus
and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them
with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and that
the same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews
with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits
which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the
senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure
also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those
places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and
Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed
on them as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his
sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between
single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the
senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they
shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general
of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall
be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the
senate is made about their affairs."
7. “Caius Cqesar, imperator,
dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual
dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since
those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne
witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves,
and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate
returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the
same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of
the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome,
and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits
they have bestowed upon us."
8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul]
of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth
greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in
the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of
yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers,
and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that such decrees
should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are
forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions
for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so
to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul,
in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the
city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their
contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when I forbid
other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together,
according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist
therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any
decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same,
by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us."
9. Now after Caius was slain,
when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled
the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed
of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate
also decreed to grant them all they desired. I add the decree itself,
that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration
of the truth of what we say. The decree was this:
10. "The decree of the senate,
copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors,
when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out
of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides
of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing
of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius
Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the
Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius,
of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe,
Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius,
the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius,
of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus,
of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus
Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those
things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about
the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury,
it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus
Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables,
and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them
put upon the double tables. This was done before the fifth of the Ides
of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus
the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the,
son of Onias."
11. Hyrcanus sent also one
of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and
desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve
to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according
to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's letter, without any
further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly
to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews;
a copy of which epistle here follows:
12. "When Artermon was prytanis,
on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate,
and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,
the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show
that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not
allowed to bear arms or to travel on the sabbath days, nor there to procure
themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the
times of their forefathers; — I do therefore grant them a freedom from
going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them
to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred
and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations
necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several
cities under your jurisdiction."
13. And these were the concessions
that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him.
But Lucius the consul's decree ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these
Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites,
and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of
the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the
calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls,
in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant
of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine
tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus,
the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine
tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the
son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentins, the son of Caius,
of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant
and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians,
sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in
Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when
I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator,
and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of
them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any
disturbance."
14. The decree of the Delians.
"The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth
day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in
our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called
us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here
any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance
about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed
the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they
are under; — you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor." And
the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.
15. “Caius Phanius, the son
of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting.
I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with
me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made
about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have
a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate's decree,
that they may be safely conveyed home through your country."
16. The declaration of Lucius
Lentulus the consul: "I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens,
and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the
laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.
This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."
17. "Lucius Antonius, the son
of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate,
and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our
fellow citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an
assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and
this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined
their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore
to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their
privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly."
18. The declaration of Marcus
Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of
Lucius, the son of Publius: "We went to the proconsul, and informed him
of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that,
if he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens,
and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account
of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them.
This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."
19. "In the month Quntius,
when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; and there were
present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian
tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son
of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius
Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine
tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe,
Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe,
Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, Caius
Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander,
the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius
Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius
Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the presence of these
it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal
dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe
the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition
they are under."
20. "The magistrates of the
Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting.
Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us
an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors
were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle
written concerning their nation, wherein they desire that the Jews may
be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according
to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command,
because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure
them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted
them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order
that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired
to write this to us about them. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions
we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest
us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to
the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care
that no complaint be made against us."
21. "Publius Servilius, the
son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of the Mileslans, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son
of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held
a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different
from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to
perform the Sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage
the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he
had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws
require: I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings
on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited
to make use of their own customs."
22. The decree of those of
Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month
Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following
the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety
of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends
in happiness, and in firm peace, and since the nation of the Jews, and
their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son
of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son
of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the
son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their
affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired
of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury
to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses,
and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from
them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to
export their goods out of their own havens; and that no king nor people
may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea,
or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the
king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that,
according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected.
Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order
that we should take care that these things should be done according to
the senate's decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors
might return home in safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our
senate and assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the
decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews,
and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor
to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him,
we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves,
that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every
thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus
also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would
send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to
him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve
and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits
upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and
desiring them to remember that our ancestors (19) were friendly to the
Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews,
as we have [also] found it set down in our public records."
23. The decree of those of
Halicarnassus. "When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption
of Euonymus, was priest, on the * * * day of the month Aristerion, the
decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was
this: Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness;
and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors
of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship
and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred
offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them;
we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing
so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices,
according to Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side,
according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether
he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he
shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city."
24. The decree of the Sardians.
"This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation
of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live
with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by
the people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the people,
that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate
and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient
legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it;
and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations,
with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers,
their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people have decreed
to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and
to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart
for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as
they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care
of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food
as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city."
25. The decree of the Ephesians.
"When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius,
this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced
it, upon the representation of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell
in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus,
the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and
to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without
impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. Accordingly,
it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned
the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the sabbath
day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all
things according to their own laws."
26. Now there are many such
decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans (20) and those different
from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of
our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts
of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges;
and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe
that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we
have inserted; for since we have produced evident marks that may still
be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated
that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the
capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted
to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; for I cannot suppose
any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with
the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number
of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as
to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we
have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship
and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans.
CHAPTER 11.
HOW MARCUS, SUCCEEDED SEXTUS
WHEN HE HAD BEEN SLAIN BY BASSUS'S TREACHERY; AND HOW, AFTER THE DEATH
OF CAESAR, CASSIUS CAME INTO SYRIA, AND DISTRESSED JUDEA; AS ALSO HOW
MALICHUS SLEW ANTIPATER AND WAS HIMSELF SLAIN BY HEROD.
1. NOW it so fell out, that
about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and
this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party,
laid a treacherous design against Sextus Ceasar, and slew him, and then
took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand;
so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Ceasar's generals came
against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these Antipater also
sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses
they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just
to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had
murdered him. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus
(21) came from Rome to take Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was
slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained
the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related
elsewhere.
2. As the war that arose upon
the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone,
some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome
into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia;
and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to
his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and
soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed
Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: but Antipater, when he
saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided
the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and
so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed
to him, and part by others. And because Herod did exact what is required
of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius;
for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the
Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; whereas the
curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves;
and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most
potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and
Thamna. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed
him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater,
sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger
against him.
3. But after Cassius was gone
out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his
death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design
was not unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond
Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own
countrymen. However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that
he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense with an oath, both
to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison
in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could
never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress
that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement with
him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that
this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that
he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater,
he saved him.
4. However, Antipater little
thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now
Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire
care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria,
and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and
promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of
Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar:
but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of the way;
and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom
they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This being done, and he
having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's
sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against
their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly
renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater, a man
that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his
country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge
their father's death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that
purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get
this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin
a civil war in the country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense for himself,
and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death
of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also
went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived
their spirits, and composed their differences.
5. However, a little after
this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into
the city; whereupon Malichus was aftrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not
to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense
of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted
when the multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard
to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night
time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former
dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of
his with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends though, it proper not
openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual
friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.
6. However, Herod sent to Cassius,
and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of
man Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge
his father's death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his army
at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design
of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to
him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus
might be punished while he was there; but he was somewhat apprehensive
of the thing, and designed to make some great attempt, and because his
son was then a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to
steal him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as Cassius
was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring the country
to revolt, and to procure the government for himself. But Providence opposed
his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention
was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get
a supper ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there,
but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go
out against Malichus, with their daggers. So they went out and met the
man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon
Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed
him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked
Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus; and
when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended
the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired
against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted
on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.
7. But when Cassius was marched
out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at
Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the
people themselves rose in arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect
of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother's assistance, but
was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself
had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there,
on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus,
that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did
he support their enemies; for Malichus's brother had made many places
to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest
fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease,
and came and took from Felix all the places he bad gotten; and, upon certain
conditions, dismissed him also.
CHAPTER 12.
HEROD EJECTS ANTIGONUS, THE
SON OF ARISTOBULUS OUT OF JUDEA, AND GAINS THE FRIENDSHIP OF ANTONY, WHO
WAS NOW COME INTO SYRIA, BY SENDING HIM MUCH MONEY; ON WHICH ACCOUNT HE
WOULD NOT ADMIT OF THOSE THAT WOULD HAVE ACCUSED HEROD: AND WHAT IT WAS
THAT ANTONY WROTE TO THE TYRIANS IN BEHALF .
1. NOW (22) Ptolemy, the son
of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his
friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance.
He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cussiris
was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of
a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood,
and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep
them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison
he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made
presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched
these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him,
and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come
into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the
people put garlands about his head; for he had already contracted an affinity
with the family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and
for that reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry
the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add the granddaughter
of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of three male and two
female children. He had also married before this another wife, out of
a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom he had
his eldest son Antipater.
2. Now Antonius and Caesar
had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the
victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia,
who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him
from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse
Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance
of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but Antony paid great
respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his
accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain
a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still,
when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation,
sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and
desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set
those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without
their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which,
in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought the Jews'
desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews.
He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents
of which were to the same purpose.
3. "Marcus Antonius, imperator,
to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting.
It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus,
the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed
the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently
acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation
have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast
for us. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words,
that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of
life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But when
those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained
neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they
had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with
them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance
on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and
of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose
it was that the sun turned away his light from us, (23) as unwilling to
view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. We have
also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves,
which Macedonia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper for impious
and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men,
half mad with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in
Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for their purpose,
and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and
where the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory we
gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises.
Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and
became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have
received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the
time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We therefore make
that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch
that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under
by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and
your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. I have
also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons,
whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius
Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will
that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted
you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what
places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have
withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me."
4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator,
to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The
ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared
before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of
their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries.
Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government,
and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and
have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the
kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you
be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you
have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your
own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none of them
took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they
seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became
useful to them in their unjust proceedings. Since, therefore, those men
have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates
may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance,
and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch
of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius
Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province;
nor do you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he
may not be able to dispose of that which is his own; but if you have any
contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for
you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned, for we
shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates."
5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator,
to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have
sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven
on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven
in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius,
imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration:
Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province
which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while
they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that
was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; and since we have
overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial
determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored
to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions,
whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies
into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions
to their former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply with
this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such
a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment."
6. The same thing did Antony
write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have
produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth
of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.
CHAPTER 13.
HOW ANTONY MADE HEROD AND PHASAELUS
TETRARCHS, AFTER THEY HAD BEEN ACCUSED TO NO PURPOSE; AND HOW THE PARTHIANS
WHEN THEY BROUGHT ANTIGONUS INTO JUDEA TOOK HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS CAPTIVES.
HEROD'S FLIGHT; AND WHAT AFFLICTIONS HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS ENDURED.
1. WHEN after this Antony came
into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love
with her. And there came now also a hundred of the most potent of the
Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set the men of the greatest
eloquence among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf
of the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was Herod's
father-in-law (24) already. When Antony had heard both sides at Daphne,
he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed the nation best. He replied,
Herod and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable
friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at that time when
he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and
committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to
that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was going
to kill them, but that Herod obtained their pardon.
2. Yet did not these men continue
quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre
to meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony
was corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him;
and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish
ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to settle the government
upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with
him, (for they stood upon the shore before the city,) and he charged them
to go their ways, because great mischief would befall them if they went
on with their accusation. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans
ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them,
and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation.
And when the people made a clamor against Herod, Antony was so provoked
at it, that he slew the prisoners.
3. Now, in the second year,
Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the
Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus,
also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made
a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in
order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest
in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents,
and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the government
away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod. And
although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians
make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with
them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes
through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the Sidontans
and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of
horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country, and to
assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's butler, of the same name with
himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus,
and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some
part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and
when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem;
and when some more were come to them, they got together in great numbers,
and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's
and Herod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and
pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining
houses to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support
them, were burnt, and the houses with them, by the people who rose up
against them. But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of
his a little afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought
with them, and slew a great number of them.
4. But while there were daily
skirmishes, the enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out of the
country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called; and when that day was
come, many ten thousands of the people were gathered together about the
temple, some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both
the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace, which
Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had the charge
of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied out upon the
enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and put many ten
thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into the temple,
and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications there
were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus,
the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into
the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would
still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the
government. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus
persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done
fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with
his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because
of the perfidiousness of these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather
to fight those that were come into the city.
5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus
went on the embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen,
and ten men, who were called the freemen, and conducted the others on
their journey; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the cities
there met them in their arms. Barzaphanles also received them at the first
with cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired
against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were conducted to the
sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus had promised to give the
Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against
them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. Moreover, there was
one who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while a
guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized upon, had
not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the Parthians that were about
Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should
have an intimation of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were
the circumstances they were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded
them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately
on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who,
above all the rest, was earnest with him to do so; for he had heard of
this treachery from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that
time, who also promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for the
sea was just by them. But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring
his brother into danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he
did not act justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that
if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and besides,
that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security
of their oaths, and that when they had done them no injury. But the barbarian
swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that
he was troubled with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to
Pacorus.
6. But as soon as he was gone
away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus
greatly reproached the Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler
who was sent against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls
of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus
to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians. And when he knew
that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to Pacorus, and to the most
potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of the rest, who, although they
knew the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way; and said
that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and meet those which
were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries,
but were coming to give him an account of the good success Phasaelus had
had. Herod did not give credit to what they said; for he had heard that
his brother was seized upon by others also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus,
whose daughter he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit them],
which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians; for although other
people did not give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of
very great wisdom.
7. Now while the Parthians
were in consultation what was fit to be done; for they did not think it
proper to make an open attempt upon a person of his character; and while
they put off the determination to the next day, Herod was under great
disturbance of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard
about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what was said
on the other side, he determined, that when the evening came on, he would
make use of it for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if the
dangers from the enemy were not yet certain. He therefore removed with
the armed men whom he had with him; and set his wives upon the beasts,
as also his mother, and sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,]
the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the
daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants,
and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy's
privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could any enemy of his who then
saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have commiserated his
fortune, while the women drew along their infant children and left their
own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and
sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy
nature.
8. But for Herod himself, he
raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage
in the midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every
one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because
that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of
safety that they had. Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the
calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was he once almost
going to kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger
his mother was then in of being killed; and this on two accounts, because
of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this
delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: but as he was drawing
his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those that were present
restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and
told him that he ought not to desert them, and leave them a prey to their
enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself from
the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the
same distresses also. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone,
partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of regard
to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended.
So he encouraged his mother, and took all the care of her the time would
allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the utmost haste,
and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes
with such of the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror
in them all.
9. Nor indeed was he free from
the Jews all along as he was in his flight; for by that time he was gotten
sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon
him, and fought hand to hand with him, whom he also put to flight, and
overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like
one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great
plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that
he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round
about it, and called it Herodium. And when he was come to Idumea, at a
place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council
to take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his
circumstances, since he had a great multitude that followed him, besides
his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly,
was too small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the greater
part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid them go, some
one way, and some another, and so save themselves in Idumea, and gave
them what would buy them provisions in their journey. But he took with
him those that were the least encumbered, and were most intimate with
him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers,
being eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity
of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for Petra,
in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem,
and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which
was three hundred talents. A great deal of Herod's money escaped, and
principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea
beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians,
but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the
city Marissa.
10. And thus was Antigonus
brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus
and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because
the women had escaped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having
promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward: but
being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians,
might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his
ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come
to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this
dignity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire
(25) But now one cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who,
perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death any terrible
thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought
a most pitiable and dishonorable thing; and therefore, since he had not
his hands at liberty, but the bonds he was in prevented him from killing
himself thereby, he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby
took away his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could
do in such a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power
of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also reported,
that when he had made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians
to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, killed
him. However, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain
woman, that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death
cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge his death,
and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies.
CHAPTER 14.
HOW HEROD GOT AWAY FROM THE
KING OF ARABIA AND MADE HASTE TO GO INTO EGYPT AND THENCE WENT AWAY IN
HASTE ALSO TO ROME; AND HOW, BY PROMISING A GREAT DEAL OF MONEY TO ANTONY
HE OBTAINED OF THE SENATE AND OF CAESAR TO BE MADE KING OF THE JEWS.
1. AS for Herod, the great
miseries he was in did not discourage him, but made him sharp in discovering
surprising undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom
he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way
of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired
he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free
gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; for not
knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him
out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three hundred talents
for the price of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus,
who was a child of but seven years of age, for this very reason, that
he might be a hostage for the repayment of the money. But there came messengers
from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that
the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod. This
was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not be obliged
to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further induced to by the
principal men among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of what sums
they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had committed
to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome
to them by his coning thither, but that he desired only to discourse with
them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest importance.
2. Hereupon he resolved to
go away, and did go very prudently the road to Egypt; and then it was
that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had left a great many of his
followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it
was that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malehus soon repented
of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no manner
of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made haste into
the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary ships that lay there hindered
him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by whose assistance,
and that out of much reverence of and great regard to him, he was conducted
into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra; yet was
she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he was making
haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he was informed
that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great disorder.
3. So he set sail from thence
to Pamphylia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape
to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's burden; and there it was that two
of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him; and as he found
that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were
in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what
he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked
ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the
port of Brundusium; and when he was come from thence to Rome, he first
related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his
brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and
how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how they had made Antigonus
king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand talents,
with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and
of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off the women by night; and
that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of
his enemies; as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged
and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and contemned all these
terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him,
who was his hope and only succor at this time.
4. This account made Antony
commiserate the change that had happened in Herod's condition; (26) and
reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that are
placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations
that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he
desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had
with Antipater because Herod offered him money to make him king, as he
had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of
his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him to be a seditious person, and
an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod's
dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired, on account
of the toils of war which he had himself undergone with Antipater his
father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and
the kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who
was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Messala first,
and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits
they had received from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will
he had borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus,
and declared him an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to
them, but that he had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government
from the Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed
them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that
Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they
made a decree accordingly.
5. And this was the principal
instance of Antony's affection for Herod, that he not only procured him
a kingdom which he did not expect, (for he did not come with an intention
to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would
grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended
to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his father to
Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he procured it for
him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and departed
out of Italy in so few days as seven in all. This young man [the grandson]
Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its proper
place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of
the senate house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other
magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their
decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his
reign. And thus did this man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on
the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was
consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].
6. All this while Antigonus
besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries,
but were only in want of water (27) insomuch that on this occasion Joseph,
Herod's brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred
of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus repented
of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to Herod; but God, by
sending rain in the night time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns
were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of running away on
that account; but they were now of good courage, and the more so, because
the sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed
a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to
hand with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some openly, with some privately,)
and destroyed a great number of them. At the same time Ventidius, the
general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the Parthians out
of it, and marched after them into Judea, in pretense indeed to succor
Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no more than a stratagem,
in order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near
to Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then
he retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the wickedness
he had been guilty of might be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain
part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance,
that he might cause him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the
Parthians would come again and defend him.
CHAPTER 15.
HOW HEROD SAILED OUT OF ITALY
TO JUDEA, AND FOUGHT WITH ANTIGONUS AND WHAT OTHER THINGS HAPPENED IN
JUDEA ABOUT THAT TIME.
1. BY this time Herod had sailed
out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both
of strangers and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against
Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded
by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod. Now
for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had
been made in the cities by the means of the Parthians; and for Silo, he
was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went
along his army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception,
joined him; but as he was to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged
to endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were besieged,
because they were his relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it
was necessary for him to take that place first, it being a city at variance
with him, that no strong hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind
him when he should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretense
for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod
fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight
and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when
Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those of his family that
were in Masada. Now of the people of the country, some joined him because
of the friendship they had had with his father, and some because of the
splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the benefits
they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came to him
in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly
settled in the kingdom.
2. Herod had now a strong army;
and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes
and places most proper for them; but in truth he thereby did little or
no damage to the enemy. So Herod received those of his family out of Masada,
and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also
that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens,
being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had pitched his camp on the
west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot
their arrows and threw their darts at him; and when some sallied out in
a crowd, and came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's
army, he gave orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation
about the wall, that he came for the good of the people, and for the preservation
of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies,
but ready to forget the offenses which his greatest adversaries had done
him. But Antigonus, by way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed,
and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would
not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than
a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, (28) whereas they ought
to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was; for that
in case they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive
him of the kingdom, as having received it from the Parthians, yet were
there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these
such as had no way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family,
it would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said thus
one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus
permitted his own men that were upon the wall to defend themselves, who
using their bows, and showing great alacrity against their enemies, easily
drove them away from the towers.
3. And now it was that Silo
discovered that he had taken bribes; for he set a good number of his soldiers
to complain aloud of the want of provisions they were in, and to require
money to buy them food; and that it was fit to let them go into places
proper for winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert,
by reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set the
army upon removing, and endeavored to march away; but Herod pressed Silo
not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert
him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the senate had sent him thither, for
that he would provide them plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily
procure them a great abundance of what they required; after which entreaty,
he immediately went out into the country, and left not the least pretense
to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected quantity of provisions,
and sent to those friends of his who inhabited about Samaria to bring
down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, to
Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for
the time to come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over
the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that went
out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got
together a great number of armed men about Jericho, and sat upon the mountains,
and watched those that brought the provisions. However, Herod was not
idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five
were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among
them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found
the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves
on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took
and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and
found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a
garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take
their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea,
and Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the
bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at Lydda,
in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside, and
lived in plenty of all things.
4. But Herod was not pleased
with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with
two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he himself
came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other relations there, for
they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, to take certain
places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on
to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's garrisons withdrew
themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. He also went thence, and
resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much
mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies
of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called
Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole
army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his
army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight
who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away. He also
pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan,
though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all
Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money
to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae
apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters;
at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because Antigonus
would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no
more than one month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered
them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains,
that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish
by famine. But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his
youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly,
he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and
rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.
5. About this time it was that
Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now
in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first
place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their confederates
for the war they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went
in haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo away
to Ventidius, while he marched against them. These caves were in mountains
that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices,
with certain entrances into the caves, and those caves were encompassed
with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed, with all
their families about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made,
in order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron chains,
by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get
up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep
down to them from above. Now these chests were filled with armed men,
who had long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as
resisted them, and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; but
the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, because
of the vast depth they were to be let down, although they had their provisions
in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one
of those in the mouths of the caves durst come near them, but lay still
out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their
hands took hold of the chain by which the chests were let down, and went
into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such delay was
made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they
were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were
in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that
resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices,
and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went
into their chests again, and lay still there; but, upon this, terror seized
the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired
of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole
work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered
themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The same method of assault
was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets
to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them,
and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible
matter within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one
of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give
them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood
at the cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his who went out, till
he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and
cast their dead bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, and
so underwent death rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly
reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then
king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and
offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these
caves were at length subdued entirely.
6. And when the king had set
Ptolemy over these parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria,
with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending
to fight Antigonus. But still this command of the army did not succeed
well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee before
attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among
the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying waste and plundering whatsoever
they could come at in those places. But Herod soon returned, and punished
them for what they had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others
of them, who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them,
and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an end to
their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.
7. In the mean time, Pacorus
was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius
sent Macheras to the assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand
horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Macheras, at
the instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as being
corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but Antigonus
suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit him into the city,
but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed
what he himself meant. But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given
him good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening
to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he met with
he slew them, whether they were enemies or friends, out of the rage he
was in at what hardships he had undergone. The king was provoked at this
conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about
these affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers,
who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able
of himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired that
he would not go to Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that he would
join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight against Antigonus.
So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly,
he left Joseph there with his army, but charged him to run no hazards,
nor to quarrel with Macheras.
8. But for his own part, he
made haste to Antony (who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place upon
Euphrates) with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries
to him. And when he came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men
gotten together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not
venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the
road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their conductor
upon the road. Now when they were within two days' march of Samosata,
the barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb those that came to
Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to the
plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still
until those passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now as soon as
the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those that
lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden,
and when they had put the foremost to flight, the king came riding hard,
with the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy;
by which means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened
them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back,
and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on killing
them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of
beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march; and whereas
there were a great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and
were near the passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these
also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many
of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after;
and these called Herod their savior and protector.
9. And when he was near to
Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to
meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance
he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made
upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having
been made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the
road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire his
courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him
after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand, as having
himself lately made him a king; and in a little time Antiochus delivered
up the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end; then Antony
committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and
went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into
Judea to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body
of the army.
10. Now Joseph was already
slain in Judea, in the manner following: He forgot what charge his brother
Herod had given him when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his
camp among the mountains, for Macheras had lent him five regiments, with
these he went hastily to Jericho, in :order to reap the corn thereto belonging;
and as the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were unskillful
in war, for they were in great part collected out of Syria, he was attacked
by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was himself
slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there
were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the
dead bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother would
have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which defeat, the
Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took those of Herod's party,
and drowned them in the lake, and a great part of Judea was become seditious;
but Macheras fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].
11. At this time messengers
came to Herod, and informed him of what had been done; and when he was
come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen
his brother; which yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared
to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So
he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he received
about eight hundred of the men of that place, having already with him
also one Roman legion, and with these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched
thence by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee. Here it was
that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in
the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before.
So he attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm
that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his
army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that
Antony sent him was come to his assistance, those that were in garrison
in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the night time. Then did
the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the
enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when he had pitched his tents,
he made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this collation
was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired to his own chamber;
and here may one see what kindness God had for the king, for the upper
part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed none,
insomuch that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God, since
he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.
12. But the next day six thousand
of the enemy came down from the tops of the mountains to fight the Romans,
which greatly terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor
came near, and pelted the king's guards that were come out with darts
and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart. Antigonus
also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some
forces, being desirous to show the enemy how potent he was, and that he
had men to spare in his war with them. He sat down to oppose Macheras;
but Herod, when he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them,
being about two thousand, and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves,
and then returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village
called Isanas; and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea,
near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout
were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he beat them
in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for the slaughter of
his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they ran away;
and as the houses were full of armed men, (29) and many of them ran as
far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled
down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers
that were caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw stones down upon
them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them; nor
was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond
the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another.
This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the enemy, who expected
now what would come; for there appeared a mighty number of people that
came from places far distant, that were now about the village, but then
ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then restrained
them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous
at this good success, and the whole work had been done immediately; for
Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away and leave the
city.
13. At this time the king gave
order that the soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night,
while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for he was very weary; and
here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence,
he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that followed
him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner room, certain of
the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled thither, out of fear,
were then in the place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came
out with his naked sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him
a second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation,
that they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come
off very well ill suffering no harm themselves in their getting out of
the house. However, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for
he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what
their brother had suffered by his means, for he was the man that slew
him with his own hand.
14. When the rigor of winter
was over, Herod removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched
his camp hard by the city. Now this was the third year since he had been
made king at Rome; and as he removed his camp, and came near that part
of the wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that camp
before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same manner as
did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three bulwarks, and erected
towers, and employed a great many hands about the work, and cut down the
trees that were round about the city; and when he had appointed proper
persons to oversee the works, even while the army lay before the city,
he himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife
the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed
her already, as I have before related.
CHAPTER 16.
HOW HEROD, WHEN HE HAD MARRIED
MARIAMNE TOOK JERUSALEM WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF SOSIUS BY FORCE; AND HOW
THE GOVERNMENT OF HE ASAMONEANS WAS PUT AN END TO
1. AFTER the wedding was over,
came Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his army before him over
the midland parts. He also, who was their commander, came himself, with
a great number of horsemen and footmen. The king also came himself from
Samaria, and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there
before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met together
at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north wall of the city,
being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six thousand
horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were two:
Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own account,
in order to take the government from Antigonus, who was declared all enemy
at Rome, and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of
the Senate.
2. Now the Jews that were enclosed
within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity
and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave
out many prophecies about the temple, and many things agreeable to the
people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in;
they had also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not
leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts; and
by private robberies they made the want of necessaries greater. When Herod
understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against their
private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions,
and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty
of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily erected, because so
many hands were continually at work upon it; for it was summer time, and
there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, neither from
the air nor from the workmen; so they brought their engines to bear, and
shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get its;
yet did not those within discover any fear, but they also contrived not
a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and
burnt not only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that
were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not less bold
than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They
also erected new works when the former were ruined, and making mines underground,
they met each other, and fought there; and making use of brutish courage
rather than of prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last;
and this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while
they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for this happened
to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls were twenty chosen
men, the next were Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was taken in
forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters
that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been
burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews.
And when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken,
the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the upper city;
but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them from offering their
daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and desired that they
would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod
granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that they did
nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve
the kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it
by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were slain, by the
rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the zeal
of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who were not willing to leave one
of their adversaries alive; so they were murdered continually in the narrow
streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple
for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged,
nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent
about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their
hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company of madmen, they fell
upon persons of all ages, without distinction; and then Antigonus, without
regard to either his past or present circumstances, came down from the
citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him,
in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called
him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not treat him as
if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds,
and kept him in close custody.
3. And now Herod having overcome
his enemies, his care was to govern those foreigners who had been his
assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the
sacred things in the temple; but the king, thinking a victory to be a
more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which it
was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used entreaties and threatenings,
and even sometimes force itself, to restrain them. He also prohibited
the ravage that was made in the city, and many times asked Sosius whether
the Romans would empty the city both of money and men, and leave him king
of a desert; and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole
habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder
of his citizens'; and when he said that this plunder was justly to be
permitted the soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied, that
he would give every one their reward out of his own money; and by this
means be redeemed what remained of the city from destruction; and he performed
what he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every soldier,
and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a most royal present
to Sosius himself, till they all went away full of money.
4. This destruction befell
the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls
of Rome (30) on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month,
on the solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities
had returned since that which befell the Jews under Pompey; for the Jews
were taken by him on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years'
time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched
away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony;
but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by
Antony, and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might get his
cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was himself
of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that therefore it belonged
to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account of the family they
were of, in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he had done.
Out of Herod's fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal
of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if
it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the
government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six years after
it was first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one,
both on account of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of
the high priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their ancestors
had performed for our nation; but these men lost the government by their
dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater,
who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction,
but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells
us was the end of the Asamonean family.
|